It seems clear to me that the restructuring of Skype's network (no longer purely peer-to-peer) has made two major changes in respect to privacy.
1. The first is that with respect to all its services, a detailed record of who is communicating with whom is now kept, and clearly it is being shared. Before Microsoft, back when Skype was purely a peer-to-peer service, I don't believe they kept those records except in the aggregate.
2. The second is that with respect to text communication, it now appears that a copy is retained on Skype servers... because this is the way they can guarantee delivery to those that are offline at the time text is sent. I still don't think Skype is retaining a copy of the encryption keys, but the very fact that they could potentially hand over a copy of the encrypted text is alarming. Nobody knows how well encrypted it is because Skype has kept that a secret.
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En este contexto, los candidatos de los partidos de siempre, contaminados también por las manifestaciones que escuchan a su alrededor, buscan una marca blanca con la que lavar la mala fama que arrastra la marca comercial que les amparaba hasta ahora. Algunos todavía se autoengañan con teorías trasnochadas sobre el voto oculto, especialmente el PP, pero desde hace meses, los estrategas y demoscópicos de los dos principales partidos saben que “el voto vergonzante, el que se esconde, ya no tiene el peso del pasado. Mi hipótesis es que la gente no dice que va a votar a PP y PSOE porque realmente no lo van a hacer. Desde las elecciones europeas vimos que no había tanta diferencia entre intención de voto directa y lo que luego ocurrió, y en las elecciones andaluzas confirmamos que la intención directa y sin cocina era la más próxima a la realidad”, explica uno de los estadísticos próximo a los socialistas.
“El PP hasta ahora era una buena marca con candidatos mediocres. Esta es la primera vez en la que la marca es peor que sus candidatos. De ahí que los barones autonómicos estén tratando de borrarse el tatuaje PP del brazo. En eso están Monago o Feijóo entre cientos de dirigentes”, reconoce uno de los asesores de Génova. Aunque el ejemplo perfecto es el de la lideresa Esperanza Aguirre, que ha logrado hacer de su nombre una marca antagónica al PP de Rajoy, a pesar de la lista de corruptos que han crecido a su sombra.
En los últimos meses, las marcas jóvenes están marcando el paso. Gozan de liderazgos potentes -Iglesias y Rivera- y votantes que les publicitan. Declarar el voto a uno de los dos nuevos conlleva el placer añadido de soltar una coz a los tradicionales. Conscientes de la situación, candidatos como Ángel Gabilondo han pillado al vuelo que la marca blanca es un activo. El manifiesto Sí a Gabilondo, con el que 300 intelectuales respaldan su candidatura a la comunidad de Madrid incidiendo en su independencia, es una muestra. El director creativo y fundador de la agencia de publicidad Sra. Rushmore, responsable de la campaña más innovadora de Zapatero, tiene claro que “es difícil luchar contra la fuerza del voto ilusionante, por eso se cacarea tanto. Hay dos partidos nuevos que hacen que la gente exprese su apoyo sin necesidad de preguntar. Lo que no va a funcionar igual es ocultar la marca, porque los candidatos están irremediablemente asociados a sus siglas”.
“La imagen del PP es tan potente, que por mucho que lo intenten algunos, es complicado jugar a ocultarla con éxito”, reflexiona el diputado popular Gabriel Elorriaga sobre los intentos de ciertos colegas de tomar distancia de lo que representa Génova. Y es que la confirmación de Rajoy de que volverá a ser candidato ha puesto aún más nerviosos a los que se examinan en mayo. “La ventaja del PSOE respecto al PP es que ya hemos afrontado la renovación del discurso y de las caras, pero en el PP no lo han hecho todavía, y la intervención de Rajoy diciendo que se presenta no hace más que aplazar la renovación pendiente”, dice Soraya Rodríguez, ex portavoz del PSOE.
No solo los votantes no ocultan su voto, sino que parece que algunas de sus señorías dejan de estar ciegos ante la realidad y son capaces de asumir el coste general que para la clase política -entendiendo por clase política a los que se sientan en el hemiciclo- tiene el continuismo del sexagenario Rajoy. “Me pateo la calle en Cataluña y siento que la gente está harta de nosotros. Me lo dice todo el mundo. La corrupción y la crisis económica han quemado a PP, PSOE y CiU sobre todo”, añade Josep Sánchez Llibre, diputado sénior de CiU.
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